The vast right-wing network of Koch brother-funded â€śthink tanksâ€ť is now plotting to finish off the public sector labor movement once and for all.
In a series of fundraising documents obtained by theÂ Center for Media and DemocracyÂ of Madison, Wis., andÂ published in the Guardian, the CEO of a cartel of 66 well-funded arch-conservative state capitol lobbying outfits promises funders a â€śonce-in-a-lifetime chance to reverse the failed policies of the American left.â€ť
Tracie Sharp, the leader of the States Policy Network (SPN), goes on to explain that the pathway to permanent right-wing victory is to â€śdefund and defangâ€ť unions that rely on the legal protections of state labor law.
Though less well-known, the SPN is something of a sister organization to the American Legislative and Exchange Council (ALEC), which writes cookie cutter â€śmodel legislationâ€ť for right-wing state legislators.
SPN affiliates, like Michiganâ€™s Mackinac Center and Ohioâ€™s Buckeye Institute, promote ALECâ€™s agenda in the public sphere and attack organizations that are opposed to it. Both networks have effectively nationalized the conservative agenda in state legislatures.
The One Percent Solution
Whatâ€™s fueling this drive is a combination of the vast sums of money that flow into elections in theÂ Citizens United-era along with the gerrymandering that has helped rig elections in favor of Republicans. The result has frequently been â€śtriple crownâ€ť GOP-led state governments that hold little accountability to voters but tremendous debts to their corporate masters.
University of Oregon professorÂ Gordon LaferÂ has documented the rise of the corporate legislative agenda in all 50 states in his new book,Â The One Percent Solution: How Corporations Are Remaking America One State at a Time.
Lafer found that state bills pushed by ALEC and the SPN, along with more traditional business lobbyists like the Chamber of Commerce, generally fall into four broad categories.
The first, and most obvious, are efforts to constrain or destroy institutions that empower working people to fight back, such as labor unions.
Second are efforts to privatize public services. Lafer found these efforts were primarily intended to diffuse the responsibility of providing these services. â€śIf no public authority is responsible,â€ť he writes, â€śdemands become customer-service issues rather than policy problems that must be addressed by democratically accountable officials.â€ť
Third are efforts to blockâ€”or preemptâ€”rebel citiesÂ from passing living wage or fair scheduling laws, thereby foreclosing on the ability for localities to defend and advance progressive goals.
Finally, through tax cuts for the wealthy and austerity-driven cuts to vital public services, Lafer found that this corporate agenda seeks a downward shift in what people come to expectÂ forÂ a basic standard of living.
In other words, the One Percentâ€™s solution is to convince the rest of us, as the Dead Kennedys song goes, thatÂ soup is good food; that each new indignity is simply our new standard of living and that we shouldnâ€™t expect more.
â€śGive yourself a raiseâ€ť
If the States Policy Network does really strive for this One Percent goal outlined by Lafer, then itâ€™s no wonder that the group has been most dogged in pursuing its union-busting agenda. SPN and ALEC have long understood what many Democratic politicians are only just beginning to realize: strong unions help keep right-wing politicians out of office while protecting the social safety net.
SPN and ALEC have aggressively pursued so-called â€śright-to-workâ€ť legislation as a means of bankrupting unions and knocking out a key component of their opponentsâ€™ get-out-the-vote operation. Twenty-eight states now have these anti-union laws on the books. Five of themâ€”all former bedrocks of union powerâ€”were passed this decade as a part of the anti-union drive described in the documents released by the Center for Media and Democracy.
Thatâ€™s hardly the extent of the role of these â€śthink tanksâ€ť in busting unions. Flush with cash, theyâ€™ve begun volunteering their efforts as union avoidance consultants where no one has asked for their services.
In 2013, I was part of a drive toÂ organize the workersÂ at Chicagoâ€™s United Neighborhood Organization Charter School Network, under the terms of a neutrality agreement. The employer was getting rocked by a financial and insider dealing scandal that was a daily cover story in the local media. The schoolsâ€™ employees joining theÂ Chicago Alliance of Charter Teachers and StaffÂ (ACTS) was the only positive headline they had to look forward to when we launched the card drive.
That didnâ€™t stop an SPN affiliate, the Illinois Policy Institute (IPI), from harvesting teachersâ€™ email addresses and spamming UNOâ€™s e-mail lists with condescending admonitions to â€śnot sign any union petition or authorization card unless you are certain that you want union representation.â€ť
These union busters seemed to assume that the â€ślaunchâ€ť of our card drive meant a bunch of beefy goons were about to descend on the schools to strong-arm teachers. In fact, the public launch of theÂ cardÂ drive was the union organizing equivalent of a touchdown dance. The representative, democratic organizing committee we had spent weeks training, educating and empowering signed up over 90 percent of their colleagues in time for a May Day card count certification.
The Illinois Policy Institute is better prepared for the upcoming Supreme Court case,Â Janus vs. AFSCME. Originating from Illinois, the case is a blatant do-over of the craven attempt to turn the entire public sector labor movement â€śright-to-work,â€ť previously pushed in theÂ FriedrichsÂ case.
Should the Supreme Court vote to make union fees voluntary, the IPI and its sister organizations are prepared to run the mother of all â€śopen shopâ€ť drives. They will likely FOIA the names and as much contact information as possible of every union-represented public sector worker and inundate them with glossy materials encouraging them to â€śgive yourself a raiseâ€ť by quitting the union.
How to fight back
The revelation of the SPNâ€™s nakedly partisan agenda should open every one of its affiliates to challenges over their status as tax-deductible educational charities. These challenges are worthÂ pursuing,Â if only to delegitimize their role in public debates. But this wonâ€™t really affect their bottom lineâ€”their funders have so much money they hardly need the tax breaks for donating to their favorite political causes.
In preparation for the post-JanusÂ attacks, public sector unions should behave more like Chicago ACTS and confound the SPNâ€™s moldy old assumptions about the source of union power. To do this, we need to greatly increase membersâ€™ democratic involvement in their unions. The slick â€śgive yourself a raiseâ€ť pamphlets will do the most damage in places where members think of the union as simply a headquarters building downtown. If thatâ€™s the extent of their interaction, workers could fall for the cheap trick of blaming the union for the stagnant wages and reduction in benefits that are actually the direct result of the GOPâ€™s corporate agenda.
But where members are involved in formulating demands and participating in protest actions, they find the true value and power of being in a union. That powerâ€”the power of an active and involved membershipâ€”is what the right-wing most fears, and is doing everything in its power to stop.