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PROP 22 WAS A FAILURE FOR CALIFORNIA’S APP-BASED WORKERS. NOW, IT’S ALSO UNCONSTITUTIONAL.

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In a landmark decision, the Alameda Superior Court of California recently ruled that Proposition 22, the ballot initiative that excluded many app-based workers from foundational labor laws, violates the California constitution and must be struck down in its entirety.

The decision, which will undoubtedly be appealed by the app-based companies, represents a huge setback in the companies’ power grab to rewrite U.S. labor laws and exempt themselves from labor standards that apply to all other employers. It also represents an important advancement in the gig-worker-led movement for living wages, rights at work, employment benefits, and the right to exercise collective democratic power. 

What Was California’s Prop 22?

California’s Prop 22 was a ballot initiative led by app-based companies such as Uber, Lyft, and DoorDash to exclude ride-hail and food-delivery app-based workers from nearly all employee rights under state law, including the right to a minimum wage, time-and-a-half for overtime, expenses reimbursement, and benefits such as unemployment compensation and state workers’ compensation.

The companies developed the ballot initiative in response to the California legislature’s passage in 2019 of AB5, a simple and straightforward test for determining who is an employee and who is an independent contractor. Although Uber and Lyft ride-hail drivers and DoorDash, Instacart, and Postmates food-delivery workers are clearly employees under the AB5 test, these companies steadfastly refused to comply with the law and continued to deny their workers the rights and benefits to which they are entitled as employees.

As state and local officials sued Lyft, Uber, DoorDash, and Instacart to get them to stop violating the law, the companies spent a whopping $224 million on Prop 22. Among the provisions included in Prop 22 were an inferior set of benefits that the companies agreed to provide their app-based workers. And, worst of all, Prop 22 could only be amended by a seven-eighths vote of the state legislature, making its provisions virtually impossible to repeal or change.

To get Prop 22 passed, Uber and Lyft bombarded television, social media, and their own workers with pressure tactics and deceptive advertising, including the flat-out false claim that Prop 22 would increase, not decrease, workers’ rights. As a result, one survey of California voters founds that 40 percent of “yes” voters thought they were supporting gig workers’ ability to earn a living wage. [1] Other voters said they did not realize they were making a choice between guaranteed rights and protections through employment and “an arbitrary set of supplemental benefits . . . designed by the gig companies.” [2]

Uber also adopted a new cynical marketing slogan—“If you tolerate racism, delete Uber”—to claim solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement while, at the same time, seeking to enshrine a second-class employment status for California’s ride-hail and food-delivery app-based workers, who are overwhelmingly people of color and immigrants, in what legal scholar Veena Dubal has called a “new racial wage code.”[3] Dubal writes: “By highlighting particular forms of racial subjugation, while ignoring and profiting from others, the corporate sponsors of Prop 22 successfully concealed the very structures of racial oppression that [Prop 22] entrenched and from which companies benefit.”[4]

What Happened After Prop 22 Passed?

After Prop 22 passed, and app-based workers were stripped of their employee rights, the benefits package that the companies offered in exchange proved to be a mirage. In order to qualify for a promised healthcare stipend, for example, app-based workers need to a purchase a covered policy in advance and get enough work hours to qualify for the stipend; if they don’t, they must pay the full cost of the premium.[5] One survey of app-based workers found that only 15 percent have applied for the healthcare stipend.[6]

And, despite the companies’ claims of guaranteed earnings, pay decreased for many ride-hail and food-delivery drivers after Prop 22 passed. According to Peter Young, an app-based ride-hail and food-delivery driver for years, incentives offered to drivers disappeared after Prop 22 passed, and he experienced cuts to his base pay and unpredictable fluctuations in income.[7] Ben Valdez, an Uber driver, similarly said that pay continues to vary widely, and that he averages about $150 per day before expenses for 12 to 15 hours of work—well below California’s $14 minimum wage.[8] In fact, a study by labor economists found that Prop 22 guarantees a minimum wage of only $5.64 per hour after expenses and waiting time are taken into account.[9]

Even the companies’ central claim—that excluding their workers from employee rights and benefits is necessary to keep their prices affordable—proved to be false. A month after Prop 22 passed, both DoorDash and Uber Eats announced price hikes, a move the workers’ advocacy group Gig Workers Rising decried as a “corporate bait and switch.”[10]

The aftermath of Prop 22 made clear that its sole objective was to insulate app-based companies’ business model from any legal or worker challenge, so the companies could once and for all pass costs onto workers and consumers in a last-ditch attempt at profitability.

Why Did the Court Ruling Find Prop 22 Unconstitutional?

In his ruling that Prop 22 is unconstitutional and unenforceable, California Superior Court Judge Frank Roesch found that the ballot initiative infringes on the power explicitly granted to the California Legislature to regulate workers’ compensation.[11] Prop 22 also included language that prevents the state legislature from passing laws that allow app-based workers to unionize, which the court ruled violated a constitutional provision requiring that ballot initiatives be limited to a single subject.[12] The court also took issue with the substance of this provision, noting that preventing app-based workers from organizing “does not not protect work flexibility, nor does it provide minimum workplace safety and pay standards for those workers. It appears only to protect the economic interests of the network companies in having a divided, ununionized workforce.” [13]

What’s Next Now That Prop 22 Is Unconstitutional?

The app-based companies will appeal the court’s decision, and they will ask for a stay of the ruling while the appeal is pending. If granted, it means that Prop 22 would remain in effect—and app-based drivers and food-delivery workers would continue to be excluded from most state labor rights and benefits—through the appeals process, which could take a year or longer.[14]

What Other States Face Legislation Like California’s Prop 22?

Regardless of the final outcome in the Prop 22 case, app-based companies will continue to spend millions to fund legislation and ballot initiatives that would make it easier for them to avoid accountability as an employer and to depress wages and working conditions for their app-based workers. Their CEOs have made clear that Prop 22 is their model legislation across the country.[15]

In Massachusetts, for example, Uber, Lyft, and DoorDash are funding another ballot initiative to rewrite labor laws to benefit themselves and enshrine independent contractor status for their app-based workers.[16] The push for a ballot initiative comes after Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey sued Uber and Lyft for misclassifying their drivers as independent contractors. It appears that the companies, having determined that their likelihood of winning in court is low, have decided it will be easier to simply rewrite the law.

Prop 22–like legislation does not just hurt workers who currently obtain work through apps and other online platforms. At risk is virtually any worker whose job functions can be “gigged out” piecemeal on an app.

Luckily, the aftermath of Prop 22 mobilized app-based workers more than ever, and they are fighting back. In Massachusetts, workers’ rights groups and community organizations launched the Coalition to Protect Workers’ Rights, which aims to “combat Big Tech companies’ campaign to undermine the rights and benefits of their workers.”[17] In New York, a coalition of workers’ rights organizations defeated a state bill pushed by app-based companies that would have created a top-down collective bargaining structure for ride-hail and food-delivery app-based workers while excluding them from nearly all state and local labor rights and protections.[18]

This progressive change is due to the persistence and commitment of workers and their advocates. App-based workers are emboldened in the fight for equal rights, and they are just getting started.

ENDNOTES

[1] Faiz Siddiqui & Nitasha Tiku, Uber and Lyft Uses Sneaky Tactics to Avoid Making Drivers Employees in California, Voters Say. Now They’re Going National, Washington Post, Nov. 17, 2020.

[2] Id.

[3] Veena Dubal, The New Racial Wage Code, Hastings Law & Policy Review, at 3-4, Aug. 17, 2021, https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3855094. According to one study of the San Francisco Bay Area in 2019immigrants and people of color comprised 78 percent of Uber and Lyft drivers, most of whom relied on these jobs as their primary source of income. Chris Benner, Erin Johansson, Kung Feng & Hays Witt, On-Demand and On-the-Edge: Ride-hailing and Delivery Workers in San Francisco, University of Santa Cruz Institute for Social Transformation, May 5, 2020, at 2 https://transform.ucsc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/OnDemandOntheEdge_ExecSum.pdf.

[4] Id. at 20.

[5] Megan Rose Dickey, California Gig Workers Say Prop. 22 Isn’t Delivering Promised Benefits, Protocol, May 25, 2021, https://www.protocol.com/policy/gig-workers-prop-22-benefits.

[6] Tulchin Research, April 20, 2020

[7] Michael Sainato, ‘I Can’t Keep Doing This’: Gig Workers Say Pay Has Fallen After California’s Prop 22, Guardian, Feb. 18, 2021,

[8] Id.

[9] Ken Jacobs & Michael Reich, The Uber/Lyft Ballot Initiative Guarantees Only $5.64 an Hour, UC Berkeley Labor Center, Oct. 31, 2019, https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/the-uber-lyft-ballot-initiative-guarantees-only-5-64-an-hour-2/.

[10] Eve Batey, That Price Hike That Delivery Apps Threatened If Prop 22 Failed? It’s Happening Anyway, Dec. 15, 2020, https://sf.eater.com/2020/12/15/22176413/uber-eats-doordash-price-hike-fee-december-prop-22

[11] Castellanos v. California, Case No. RG21088725, at 2-4 (Alameda Co. Sup. Ct. Aug. 20, 2021).

[12] Id. at 10-11.

[13] Id. at

[14] Suhauna Hussain, Prop 22. Was Struck Down; Will the Ruling Stick? Uber and Other Gig Companies Plan to Appeal; It Could Drag on for More Than a Year, L.A. Times, Aug. 26, 2021.

[15] Faiz Siddiqui, Uber Says It Wants to Bring Laws Like Prop 22 to Other States, Washington Post, Nov. 5, 2020, https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2020/11/05/uber-prop22/.

[16] Nate Raymond & Tina Bellon, Groups Backed by Uber, Lyft Pushes Massachusetts Gig Worker Ballot Initiative, Reuters, Aug. 4, 2021.

[17] Grace Pham, The Launch of a New Coalition: Protecting the Rights of Gig Workers in Massachusetts, Massachusetts Jobs with Justice, June 29, 2021, https://www.massjwj.net/blog/2021/6/29/the-launch-of-a-new-coalition-protecting-the-rights-of-gig-workers-in-massachusetts

[18] Edward Ongweso Jr., A Plan to Tame Labor Unions for Uber and Lyft Has Been Scrapped in New York, Vice, June 9, 2021.

About the Author: Brian Chen is a staff attorney at the National Employment Law Project. Brian focuses on combating exploitative work structures that subordinate workers in low-wage industries. Brian is admitted to practice law in New York and is a proud member of the NELP Staff Association, NOLSW, UAW, Local 2320.

About the Author: Laura Padin joined NELP in 2018 as a senior staff attorney for the Work Structures Portfolio. Laura’s work focuses on policies that improve workplace standards and economic security for the contingent workforce, including temporary workers and workers in the “gig economy.” Laura is a proud member of the NELP Staff Association, National Organization of Legal Services Workers, UAW Local 2320.

This blog originally appeared at NELP on September 16, 2021. Reprinted with permission.


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5 Tips to Make Video Meetings Fairer to Anxious Employees

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Video calls may have taken over as the meeting method of choice during the pandemic, and the surge in remote work means that they won’t be going away any time soon. Many people appreciate the convenience and flexibility of being able to show up on time no matter where they are physically. Still, it would be wrong to assume that everyone is entirely comfortable with this new working method.

It’s not always easy to tell who might be struggling with the new meeting schedule. For example, some employees that are more than comfortable meeting in person may be anxious about appearing on camera. On the other hand, people more than happy to chat for hours on the phone may still be coming to terms with the concept of online meetings.

Managers who are already comfortable with online meetings may be surprised to learn that one study suggests that 73% of people suffered from Zoom anxiety in 2020. A further study indicated that worries over backgrounds, appearance, and speaking over someone all play a part and virtually equally between males and females.

Essentially, the majority of people still have concerns about meeting online. Nevertheless, it’s a crucial component of adjusting to remote work, so what can you do about it? Here are five ways that you, as a manager, can promote a comfortable video calling experience for everyone involved.

1. Make Being on Screen Optional

Many employee concerns around video calls stem from the thought of being on screen. While comfortable in the office, their webcam acts as a window into their home. One of the quickest ways to make everyone more comfortable is to consider appearing on camera optional.

Some people like to be able to see who they’re talking to. Others want to ensure they have the full attention of the room. However, it’s time to accept that employees are often responsible and eager to do as their employer requires, and appearing on a screen shouldn’t make or break their efforts.

It may require additional trust from some managers, but the benefits are clear. Body language can be overrated on video calls, too – in some cases, it’s easily misinterpreted. Some employees might be concerned about this happening to them, but accepting that cameras aren’t essential to productivity can eliminate much of the anxiety associated with these calls.

2. Encourage Flexibility

Try not to get into the habit of scheduling video calls at short notice. This can cultivate an opinion among employees that they are expected to be at their desks at all times. That in itself can be a significant cause of anxiety, especially for those that have struggled to adapt to remote work and have altered their routines as a result.

It might make sense to implement an official policy on video meetings, such as providing at least 24 hours’ notice or potentially even banning them on specific days. There’s also evidence to suggest that it may be time to make all meetings optional, although this won’t work for every organization, especially those with just a handful of key people.

Giving people time to prepare for an upcoming meeting can ensure their schedule is free and that they’ve taken whatever steps work for them to make them feel more comfortable on screen.

3. Make it Your Job to Promote Social Interaction

There’s always a risk that anyone that misses out on video calls through anxiety may exacerbate their issues by reducing overall social contact. Like any competence, it is possible to lose social skills over time when left unused.

Video calls can replace face-to-face meetings, but they’re also a great way to keep up at least some of the more sociable interactions from the workplace. It may sound counterintuitive to arrange additional calls for those suffering from anxiety, but many people perform better under social circumstances than professional ones.

These meetings really should be optional, but someone needs to take the lead in ensuring they’re available for people that wish to attend. As a leader, there is no better candidate than you.

4. Make a Point of Mentioning Mental Health

Mental health is not a workplace taboo. On the contrary, many managers consider it part of their job to ensure that people feel good as issues can lead to a reduction in performance.

Most employees would rather not discuss their personal mental health, especially in front of groups. However, some are even anxious about broaching the subject at all. Make it clear on video calls that you’re aware of how remote work can affect people and that you’re more than happy to arrange for assistance.

If you’re comfortable providing that assistance yourself on a one-to-one basis, then do so. If not, ensure that you have someone you can send employees to for help. Such a seismic change in working habits affects everyone differently. Even if they merely need reassurance that their camera and microphone setup works, it can significantly improve their confidence levels.

5. Support Employees at their Own Pace

Some employees will never forget the first day they didn’t even have to get out of their pajamas for work. Others may still struggle to find a routine that works for them months after commencing remote work.

It’s simply impossible to support a team based on a timetable. There’s every chance that no two employees will be at an identical stage of adaptation. This does require flexibility on a manager’s part, but it should be viewed as an opportunity.

Every instance of providing customized support to an employee is a learning experience, and the more involved you become, the easier it will be going forward.

For example, if an employee who has never appeared on video decides to switch their camera on, don’t immediately view it as cause to make a big deal out of it – that may be the last thing they want. Instead, follow-up with them to ask how they felt and understand if there’s anything else you can do to make them comfortable in the future.

Wrapping Up

While people are becoming more comfortable with Zoom, Teams, and other video meeting apps every day, their usage represents a colossal shakeup in work patterns. The key takeaways involve acceptance, support, and enabling people to progress at their own pace. Some people may never be truly comfortable with the concept, but it is only fair to do all you can to encourage them to reach their potential, just as you would do with any other aspect of their working life.

About the Author: Amy Deacon is a business coach and speaker who creates solutions for businesses seeking to change attitudes and routines to boost productivity throughout the workplace.

This blog is printed with permission.


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WHY IMMEDIATE AND LONG-TERM UNEMPLOYMENT REFORM IS A MATTER OF RACIAL AND GENDER JUSTICE

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The expanded pandemic unemployment programs have been a critical lifeline for tens of millions of workers during the pandemic, but their necessity and success highlight the gaping holes and longstanding inequities in an intentionally under-resourced unemployment insurance system.

Government has a responsibility to provide economic security for people, beyond times of crisis, and it has to listen and be accountable when people organize and advocate for needed reforms that grant this security. When the pandemic hit, the unemployment insurance system in the US was in dire need of immediate reforms that would address the needs of those most impacted. In March 2020, far too many jobless workers fell into a woefully neglected unemployment system that was ill-equipped to meet their needs. As a result, Congress passed temporary programs to address the biggest gaps in the program, including coverage for app-based and part-time workers and those with caregiving responsibilities, expanded benefit duration and increased weekly benefit amounts. And as a result of jobless workers organizing to hold their government accountable, Congress extended these crucial programs twice.

In 2021 alone, the unemployment insurance system has served as a vital lifeline for over 53 million workers and injected almost $800 billion into the economy. At the height of the pandemic, nearly 16 million workers simultaneously relied on these federal pandemic programs and would otherwise have been shut out of the unemployment program entirely. Now with these temporary programs ending on Labor Day, an estimated 7.5 million people will lose their unemployment benefits entirely.

The US labor market and unemployment insurance program were designed to prioritize white male workers. As a result, Black workers and other workers of color have faced racist hiring and firing practices, longer periods of unemployment, and over-representation among unemployment claimants.

Ending the temporary programs that addressed some of the gaps that kept Black unemployed workers and other jobless workers of color from acquiring unemployment insurance will have devastating impacts on these communities. Currently, Black workers experience 8.2 percent unemployment and Latinx workers experience 6.6 percent, compared to 4.8 percent unemployment for white workers.

Similarly, with the continued rise of the Delta variant as the federal programs end, people with generational caregiving responsibilities and school age children are left with impossible choices, and women who in particular do more care work, will be left with no support as they attempt to care for their families and return to work. Mothers across the country were forced from work to care for children and their ongoing caregiving responsibilities continue to stop them from being able to return to the labor force. The change in labor force participation is particularly dramatic for single mothers: by June 2021, the labor force participation rate of single mothers in their prime working years was still 5 percentage points lower than it had been in January 2020. The pandemic unemployment programs provided temporary support for these women, but with benefits expiring they again will be shut out of our outdated unemployment system that simply does not serve their needs.

Disabled and immunocompromised workers and their family members who are unable to return to work due to health and safety concerns will also face the same fate – being left with no support as delta surges. These workers faced some of the greatest challenges during this pandemic and our system should not shut them out, especially as emergency rooms and ICUs continue to be overwhelmed.

We cannot afford to continue to rely on temporary fixes that expire based on arbitrary dates rather than worker and economic needs. Rather, we must transform the unemployment insurance system to serve all workers at all times, whether the country is in a public health or economic crisis or not. As Congress enters the reconciliation process, we must continue to demand that elected leaders lay the groundwork for this transformation by enacting bold, structural UI reform including expanded coverage, increased minimum benefit duration and increased benefit amounts that are in line with basic living expenses. Without these measures, we cannot have an equitable recovery.

About the Author: Jenna Gerry, as a senior staff attorney with the National Employment Law Project, supports NELP’s efforts to end systemic racism in our social insurance system by providing legal and technical assistance to grassroots organizing groups and reformers to develop new worker informed and centered strategies to improve state and federal policies, build worker power, and improve jobless workers’ access to unemployment insurance Jenna is a proud member of the NELP Staff Association, NOLSW, UAW, LOCAL 2320.

This blog originally appeared at NELP on August 31, 2021. Reprinted with permission.


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How to Make the Building Trades Work for Women

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The building trades unions are some of the most powerful in the labor movement. Because their members are well-paid, their dues are often higher than in other unions, giving them more resources to influence change. They also hold a certain cultural cachet, exemplifying what many people (wrongly) think the working class looks like: white men in hard hats. But this cachet is also part of the problem: These unions have been under fire for how white and male-dominated they are. Only 6% of the construction workforce is Black and, as of 2018, only 3% of workers in the construction industry were women.

While building trades unions are working to address these issues, tradeswomen say that making construction unions more accessible?—?and comfortable?—?for women is going to be a long process. They say it will require material improvements, like widespread maternity leave protections, as well as cultural shifts, like working to end sexual harassment. 

Ash Fritzsche is in year four of an apprenticeship program with International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW) Local 98 in Philadelphia. She was working at a restaurant when some of her regular customers encouraged her to begin an apprenticeship in the building trades so she could have more job security and higher pay than in the food industry. Apprenticeships are not easy programs to get into: Fritzsche told In These Times that in her year, more than 1,000 people applied, but only fewer than 100 were accepted into this five-year program. Workers who complete apprenticeship programs are taught their craft while they work, earning a living while they complete the educational requirements and gain experience as electricians. To be accepted, workers must take an aptitude test and have an interview, which Fritzsche described as ?“killer, with seven guys at a roundtable asking you questions, it was so intimidating.” She struggled with knowing how to dress as a woman trying to break into the construction industry, having perused Reddit articles geared only towards men.

Fritzsche says her local accepted 10 women her year, contrasting with around three in years prior. She believes that allowing in more women helped with retention: ?“It allowed us to develop community. In previous years, at least one woman wouldn’t make it, but so far all 10 of us are still in and thriving and totally ambitious.” 

At Local 98, apprentices start out making 30% of what journeymen make, which for her was $18 per hour. Raises are applied every 1,000 to 2,000 hours, and health insurance kicks in after a couple of months. Fritzsche is in the final year of her five-year apprenticeship and now makes $38 per hour, the most money she’s ever made. She told In These Times that she’ll get another raise in October, ?“and I know it. It’s not like if I show up early for work and I do this or that, I might get it. It’s an automatic, earned raise, which is the way it should be.” For women workers who may face gender discrimination (including lower pay, fewer benefits and fewer opportunities to advance) at work, unions can and do even the playing field. 

Local 98 is working to recruit more women, and recently hosted a ?“Women in Construction” camp to teach more than 30 high-school aged young women about what union electrical work is like. But there is still work to be done. Because the building trades are so male-dominated, their unions are tailored to their members, who are primarily men. While benefits for unionized building trades workers are generous and desirable, most lack any kind of paid family leave?—?in our society, parental caretaking still falls primarily on women. This means that women may not see the building trades as a suitable career for them if they want to have a family. 

But the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades (IUPAT) is working hard to change this: In May, the union introduced a maternity leave program. According to Jessica Podhola, the director of communications and government affairs at District Council 3 at IUPAT in the Kansas City area, members have to belong to their local district council’s health and welfare fund, and to have worked 100 hours immediately before the benefit is applied to be eligible for it. The program includes wage replacement of 67% or $800 per week, and if members cannot work during pregnancy, they can receive up to six months of paid leave. For postpartum leave, workers receive either paid time off for six or eight weeks (if they had a C?section).

Podhola told In These Times that this maternity leave program is ?“a beginning, but it’s a strong beginning.” Others, meanwhile, are picking up the baton. According to Fritzsche, Local 98 is also working on this issue: She told In These Times that the local recently extended the cap on disability from $300 to $500 dollars a week, and it made an automatic disability clause for women in their 9th month of pregnancy and for the first six weeks postpartum (or eight weeks if they had a C?section). IBEW Local 48 in Oregon, meanwhile, introduced a new maternity leave program in January 2020, which offered workers 13 weeks of paid leave prior to birth and 13 weeks of paid leave after birth, which doubled the union’s previous benefit.

Podhola serves on IUPAT’s national women’s committee, which was built to develop policies to propel the union forward in protecting its women members. The committee has subcommittees on maternity leave, diversity and inclusion, recruitment, and marketing and retention. But along with the structural barriers for women in the trades, there’s also a cultural component that is difficult to fight: sexual harassment and other instances of sexism at work. Kelly Ireland, a plumber in Local 690 in Philadelphia, says ?“you walk through job sites and see graffiti about women. They say it’s a joke, but how many decades have we asked you to stop joking?” 

Unions are working on this, too. Ireland told In These Times that she knew of a man kicked off a job site for catcalling; the foreman fired him on the spot. And in addition to its new maternity leave policy, the IUPAT women’s committee is working on rolling out a sexual harassment training through their apprenticeship program. 

Podhola told In These Times that ?“changing the culture in construction is a long-term project. We are not going to be able to get it done overnight, but we can begin to create safer work spaces and frameworks for our sisters to address issues as they come up, and to begin laying the foundation for members regardless of gender about what is acceptable and what is not on a modern construction site.” 

Fritzsche’s experience has been similar during her apprenticeship. ?“You just watch some women burn out with the baloney they have to deal with. At the same time, the guys are incredible friends and mentors. I have so many male mentors. If you can work past issues around gender, you will have access to a wonderful world of friends, teachers, and mentors.”

According to Podhola, ?“Some of these guys have been doing this for 30 years and they’ve only worked with a woman a handful of times. It’s going to be a generational shift.” To make this shift happen, more women need to enter the trades. But it can be a vicious cycle: Women don’t see enough tradeswomen, so don’t see themselves as potential tradeswomen. 

Ireland, who grew up with a union plumber for a father, never even considered a future in the trades until she had her own family?—?mostly because she never saw women like her doing the work. ?“If I was young and saw women in the trades, I would have gone into ironwork, climb skyscrapers.” 

All of the tradeswomen who spoke to In These Times mentioned access as the largest barrier to bringing more women into the building trades: Women need to hear about these great jobs, understand that they’re just as welcome as men, and be given the confidence and tools both to apply and to stick it out when it gets difficult. Podhola says that ?“it’s on the onus of labor to market, recruit, and retain as many women as possible.” 

Workers say other solutions outside of marketing and recruitment could include more local women’s committees that prioritize and work directly on issues that affect women workers, putting more women on interview committees so women who apply for apprenticeships see themselves in their union and, of course, quotas and affirmative action for apprenticeships.

But ultimately, tradeswomen want other women to know that they belong in the trades. Fritzsche told In These Times that ?“women make great tradespeople. We are really good at this work and we deserve this work. A woman invented the circular saw. A woman invented the modern band saw. During World War II, we filled factories, we took over all the trades. We are tradespeople just as much as men are.”

About the Author: Mindy Isser works in the labor movement and lives in Philadelphia.

This blog originally appeared at In These Times on August 30, 2021. Reprinted with permission.


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How Businesses Can Prevent Workplace Injuries

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There are over 7 million work injuries each year that result in millions of dollars of medical payments and missed work time. And that’s just the reported injuries — we all know workers who don’t report incidents due to embarrassment, fear of consequences or lack of knowledge around their rights.

Employees should be safe at work and encouraged to report injuries without repercussions. Fortunately, there’s many things businesses can do to prevent workplace injuries and keep workers safe.

Here are some steps you can take and advocate for today.

Safe Materials Handling

We all want to be safe when we’re doing our jobs but unfortunately, some companies aren’t entirely honest about the materials involved or how safe they are.

Asbestos was a known problem for years but businesses covered up the risks to maintain their operations and profitability. This callous approach to others’ lives is inexcusable. So how can you protect yourself?

Almost everyone has access to a wealth of information about safety and materials simply by using the internet. Educate yourself and your coworkers about the materials you work with and how to handle them safely. You can advocate for specific personal protective equipment (PPE) or even take action against your employer if they’re exposing you to toxic materials.

Reasonable Work Hours

Most people understand that in manufacturing and other industries, overtime is sometimes required. However, you should never be required to work until you’re exhausted. Employees who are overtired or burnt out can make unsafe decisions and injure themselves or others.

If you feel like you’re burned out, don’t be shy about seeing a doctor. You can get a diagnosis related to how you feel, and it can impact what you need to do at work.

Advocate for reasonable work hours and talk to managers about the safety implications of overwork. By standing up for yourself and your coworkers, you can help create a safer environment for all.

Appropriate Safety Equipment and Signage

The Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) has specific rules for what kinds of safety equipment, notifications and signage workplaces must have. These apply to industries from healthcare to construction, agriculture, factories and even ships.

According to OSHA, the most common safety violations involve standards for:

  • Fall protection
  • Communication of hazards
  • Respiratory protection
  • Scaffolding requirements
  • Ladder requirements

Ensure that your workplace has appropriate safety equipment and training, and that you and your coworkers stick to them. When you do, you’ll be much safer. 

If you feel that your employer or workplace is violating a safety standard, let your boss or manager know immediately. If they don’t take action, you have the right to file a complaint with OSHA, which will begin an investigation.

You have the right to a safe and healthful workplace.

This post is printed with permission.

About the Author: Dan Matthews is a writer, content consultant and conservationist. While Dan writes on a variety of topics, he loves to focus on the topics that look inward on mankind that help to make the surrounding world a better place to reside. When Dan isn’t working on new content, you can find him with a coffee cup in one hand and searching for new music in the other.


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